BARCELONA -- An oppressive and beleaguered empire, a terrorist international, a storm raging in the international press about torture, right-wing Christians on the march against moral decline and the collapse of family values Ö you can stand here on Montjuic hill and history grips you by the arm.
In 1896, all of Europe was shaken by reports of the terrible tortures endured by prisoners entombed in the dungeons of the fortress built by the Bourbons on Montjuic. Terror, in the form of militant anarchism -- the Al Qaeda of its era -- had already been on the march for a generation, its detonations caused by such devices as the "Orsini bomb," with its sinister horns filled with fulminate of mercury, which exploded on impact, thus bypassing the need for a fuse. The testing range selected by Felice Orsini, an Italian nationalist who had taken up residence in Palmerston's England, were abandoned quarries in Devonshire and Sheffield. Orsini went to the guillotine in 1858 after hurling his invention at Louis Napoleon. He missed, but killed eight and injured 156. In 1862, Nobel patented dynamite and gave "propaganda of the deed" a deadlier tempo.
Suicide bombing can be traced at least as far back as Ignatei Grinevitsky, part of the team that killed Tsar Alexander in 1881. The first bomb failed in its intention, so Grinevitsky stepped close enough to the tsar's carriage to ensure that the second bomb would do the job, though it took him as well as his target. As listed by Ben Anderson in a marvelous series across three issues this summer and fall, of New Left Review, international anarchism had a steady run of successes. After Tsar Alexander came the assassinations of U.S. President James Garfield, also in 1881, French President Marie Francois Sadi Carnot in 1894, Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Canovas in 1897, Empress Elizabeth of Austria in 1898, King Umberto I of Italy in 1900 (planned in Paterson, N.J.), U.S. President William McKinley (1901), King Alexander of Serbia along with his queen in 1903, Russian Interior Minister Vyachslev Von Plehve in 1904, Grand Duke Sergei of Russia in 1905, King Carlos of Portugal and son Luiz in 1908, Prince Hirobumi Ito of Japan in 1909, Russian Prime Minister Petr Stolypin in 1911, and King George of Greece in 1913. This chapter was brought to a close by Gavrilo Princip, who killed the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife in 1914, though Princip was a Serbian nationalist, not an anarchist.
Being a ruler was a riskier business 100 years ago, and bystanders were not immune either. From the explosives hurled at processions or from such venues as the upper tiers of theaters came substantial collateral damage, contemplated with moral equanimity by some anarchists. Asked at his trial in 1894 why he had killed so many innocent people, the French anarchist Emile Henri explained to the court that anarchism "is born in the heart of a corrupt society which is falling to pieces; it is a violent reaction against the established order. It represents egalitarian and libertarian aspirations which are battering down existing authority; it is everywhere, which makes it impossible to capture." So, said Henri as he faced the guillotine, "il n'ya pas des innocents." There are no innocents, at least among the privileged classes.
In Barcelona the previous year, an anarchist called Santiago Salvador had bought a balcony ticket at the opening night of the season at the Liceu opera house and, in the second act of Rossini's "William Tell," tossed two Orsini bombs down into the stalls. Only the first exploded, killing 22 and wounding 30. In 1896, came the famous bloodbath at the Feast of Corpus Christi on June 7, when an unknown hand threw a bomb into the religious procession led by the bishop of Barcelona. This may have been the work of a police agent since the bigwigs had passed by and the bomb killed 12 working people at the tail end of the procession. Those people were innocent, at least by Emile Henri's standard, unless an anticlerical perpetrator had reckoned that mere participation in a religious procession recruited one to the ranks of the guilty.
After the Corpus Christi bombing, an unrelenting police round-up saw hundreds of suspected anarchists and kindred suspects dragged up the hill to the military prison on Montjuic, where instruments of torture dating back to the Inquisition were awaiting them. Their bones broken, and their genitals burned and mutilated, some died or went mad. Five were garroted. Among the prisoners was a Cuban Creole called Fernando Tarrida, professor of mathematics and engineering director at Barcelona's Polytechnic Academy. He was also a contributor to Barcelona's anarchist daily, El Productor, and the journal Acracia, arguing against "propaganda of the deed" by small groups as ineffective in battling the money power. Tarrida urged broad anarchist organization of working people.
The police and the torturers were not interested in such distinctions. Tarrida was seized in July and taken to the fortress. He was lucky. A lieutenant warden in the prison recognized his former teacher and trekked down the hill and into Barcelona to leak Tarrida's arrest to the press. Tarrida's cousin, a conservative senator, got him released, and Tarrida headed off across the Pyrenees with letters and documents from the prisoners in Montjuic recounting the tortures they had endured.
The October issue of La Revue Blanche carried Tarrida's expose, "A Month in the Prisons of Spain." This, and subsequent articles, ended up in Tarrida's instant book, "Les Inquisiteurs d'Espagne." From platforms across Europe, orators thundered against Montjuic. Among those roused to passionate indignation was an Italian anarchist called Lombardi, who tracked down the Spanish Prime Minister Canova to a spa in the Basque country where he was taking the waters and shot him dead.
Ahead of Spain and the grand merchants of Barcelona lay the loss of Cuba and Latin American markets. Anarchism had many chapters left to unwind, not least of them the Tragic (or Glorious, depending on your point of view) Week beginning July 26, 1909. The already terrible condition of Barcelona's poor had been augmented by a fierce downturn for the textile industry. There was also great popular fury at a military draft that had seen 40,000 conscripts dispatched (with grave subsequent casualties) to Spanish Morocco to protect the commercial interests of a Barcelona consortium, including Gaudi's prime patron, Eusebi Guell. In one night, 23 churches and convents were fired and gutted.
Maybe because it was a rich source of employment, Gaudi's cathedral, the Sagrada Familia, then as now in process of construction, was spared, though the anarchists had no love for Gaudi, identified as he was as the architect not only of Guell but also of Catholic reaction. In 1936, at the onset of the Civil War, anarchists broke into the Sagrada Familia and destroyed all of Gaudi's plans and records. History marched on, rich as always in surprises. Today, the Sagrada Familia is as vibrant a building site as any Gothic cathedral in the Middle Ages. The day I visited it and contemplated Gaudi's paean to the Holy Family, and the additions by later hands, I bought a copy of El Pais, whose main headline brought news of Spanish prime minister Zapatero's announcement that his Socialist party was endorsing gay marriage, of which Spain will soon be the third legal sanctuary in Europe. The Catholic Church, well aware of its financial underpinning by the state, soon muted its initial fury.
Alexander Cockburn is coeditor with Jeffrey St. Clair of the muckraking newsletter CounterPunch. He is also co-author of the new book "Dime's Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils," available through www.counterpunch.com. To find out more about Alexander Cockburn and read features by other columnists and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com. COPYRIGHT 2004 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.
In 1896, all of Europe was shaken by reports of the terrible tortures endured by prisoners entombed in the dungeons of the fortress built by the Bourbons on Montjuic. Terror, in the form of militant anarchism -- the Al Qaeda of its era -- had already been on the march for a generation, its detonations caused by such devices as the "Orsini bomb," with its sinister horns filled with fulminate of mercury, which exploded on impact, thus bypassing the need for a fuse. The testing range selected by Felice Orsini, an Italian nationalist who had taken up residence in Palmerston's England, were abandoned quarries in Devonshire and Sheffield. Orsini went to the guillotine in 1858 after hurling his invention at Louis Napoleon. He missed, but killed eight and injured 156. In 1862, Nobel patented dynamite and gave "propaganda of the deed" a deadlier tempo.
Suicide bombing can be traced at least as far back as Ignatei Grinevitsky, part of the team that killed Tsar Alexander in 1881. The first bomb failed in its intention, so Grinevitsky stepped close enough to the tsar's carriage to ensure that the second bomb would do the job, though it took him as well as his target. As listed by Ben Anderson in a marvelous series across three issues this summer and fall, of New Left Review, international anarchism had a steady run of successes. After Tsar Alexander came the assassinations of U.S. President James Garfield, also in 1881, French President Marie Francois Sadi Carnot in 1894, Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Canovas in 1897, Empress Elizabeth of Austria in 1898, King Umberto I of Italy in 1900 (planned in Paterson, N.J.), U.S. President William McKinley (1901), King Alexander of Serbia along with his queen in 1903, Russian Interior Minister Vyachslev Von Plehve in 1904, Grand Duke Sergei of Russia in 1905, King Carlos of Portugal and son Luiz in 1908, Prince Hirobumi Ito of Japan in 1909, Russian Prime Minister Petr Stolypin in 1911, and King George of Greece in 1913. This chapter was brought to a close by Gavrilo Princip, who killed the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife in 1914, though Princip was a Serbian nationalist, not an anarchist.
Being a ruler was a riskier business 100 years ago, and bystanders were not immune either. From the explosives hurled at processions or from such venues as the upper tiers of theaters came substantial collateral damage, contemplated with moral equanimity by some anarchists. Asked at his trial in 1894 why he had killed so many innocent people, the French anarchist Emile Henri explained to the court that anarchism "is born in the heart of a corrupt society which is falling to pieces; it is a violent reaction against the established order. It represents egalitarian and libertarian aspirations which are battering down existing authority; it is everywhere, which makes it impossible to capture." So, said Henri as he faced the guillotine, "il n'ya pas des innocents." There are no innocents, at least among the privileged classes.
In Barcelona the previous year, an anarchist called Santiago Salvador had bought a balcony ticket at the opening night of the season at the Liceu opera house and, in the second act of Rossini's "William Tell," tossed two Orsini bombs down into the stalls. Only the first exploded, killing 22 and wounding 30. In 1896, came the famous bloodbath at the Feast of Corpus Christi on June 7, when an unknown hand threw a bomb into the religious procession led by the bishop of Barcelona. This may have been the work of a police agent since the bigwigs had passed by and the bomb killed 12 working people at the tail end of the procession. Those people were innocent, at least by Emile Henri's standard, unless an anticlerical perpetrator had reckoned that mere participation in a religious procession recruited one to the ranks of the guilty.
After the Corpus Christi bombing, an unrelenting police round-up saw hundreds of suspected anarchists and kindred suspects dragged up the hill to the military prison on Montjuic, where instruments of torture dating back to the Inquisition were awaiting them. Their bones broken, and their genitals burned and mutilated, some died or went mad. Five were garroted. Among the prisoners was a Cuban Creole called Fernando Tarrida, professor of mathematics and engineering director at Barcelona's Polytechnic Academy. He was also a contributor to Barcelona's anarchist daily, El Productor, and the journal Acracia, arguing against "propaganda of the deed" by small groups as ineffective in battling the money power. Tarrida urged broad anarchist organization of working people.
The police and the torturers were not interested in such distinctions. Tarrida was seized in July and taken to the fortress. He was lucky. A lieutenant warden in the prison recognized his former teacher and trekked down the hill and into Barcelona to leak Tarrida's arrest to the press. Tarrida's cousin, a conservative senator, got him released, and Tarrida headed off across the Pyrenees with letters and documents from the prisoners in Montjuic recounting the tortures they had endured.
The October issue of La Revue Blanche carried Tarrida's expose, "A Month in the Prisons of Spain." This, and subsequent articles, ended up in Tarrida's instant book, "Les Inquisiteurs d'Espagne." From platforms across Europe, orators thundered against Montjuic. Among those roused to passionate indignation was an Italian anarchist called Lombardi, who tracked down the Spanish Prime Minister Canova to a spa in the Basque country where he was taking the waters and shot him dead.
Ahead of Spain and the grand merchants of Barcelona lay the loss of Cuba and Latin American markets. Anarchism had many chapters left to unwind, not least of them the Tragic (or Glorious, depending on your point of view) Week beginning July 26, 1909. The already terrible condition of Barcelona's poor had been augmented by a fierce downturn for the textile industry. There was also great popular fury at a military draft that had seen 40,000 conscripts dispatched (with grave subsequent casualties) to Spanish Morocco to protect the commercial interests of a Barcelona consortium, including Gaudi's prime patron, Eusebi Guell. In one night, 23 churches and convents were fired and gutted.
Maybe because it was a rich source of employment, Gaudi's cathedral, the Sagrada Familia, then as now in process of construction, was spared, though the anarchists had no love for Gaudi, identified as he was as the architect not only of Guell but also of Catholic reaction. In 1936, at the onset of the Civil War, anarchists broke into the Sagrada Familia and destroyed all of Gaudi's plans and records. History marched on, rich as always in surprises. Today, the Sagrada Familia is as vibrant a building site as any Gothic cathedral in the Middle Ages. The day I visited it and contemplated Gaudi's paean to the Holy Family, and the additions by later hands, I bought a copy of El Pais, whose main headline brought news of Spanish prime minister Zapatero's announcement that his Socialist party was endorsing gay marriage, of which Spain will soon be the third legal sanctuary in Europe. The Catholic Church, well aware of its financial underpinning by the state, soon muted its initial fury.
Alexander Cockburn is coeditor with Jeffrey St. Clair of the muckraking newsletter CounterPunch. He is also co-author of the new book "Dime's Worth of Difference: Beyond the Lesser of Two Evils," available through www.counterpunch.com. To find out more about Alexander Cockburn and read features by other columnists and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com. COPYRIGHT 2004 CREATORS SYNDICATE, INC.